Boris's best laid plans...

Tuesday, November 24, 2009

Eighteen months after his election as mayor of London, just what has Boris Johnson achieved? Dean Carroll put that question to the man himself – and close observers

Just a year-and-a-half ago, the crumpled figure of Boris Johnson walked into City Hall declaring that he would make the office of mayor of London great again. Early promises included clampdowns on Greater London Authority (GLA) waste, crime on public transport and buses of the bendy variety.

An appearance on EastEnders, falling over in a river and speculation over feuds with David Cameron aside, some still feel that the blond bombshell is failing to develop an overarching strategy to knit together his pet projects. Some say that photo opportunities with the likes of Kelly Brook take priority over policy-making and delivery.

Such criticism is often aimed at the most successful politicians, but Liberal Democrat leader on the London Assembly Mike Tuffrey insists there is real concern.

"When it comes to actual implementation, his record has been immensely disappointing," he says. "A cursory glance reveals a long record of undelivered promises – from extending Oyster to train travel, through to building 50,000 new affordable homes. He doesn't have a credible plan to deliver real change on big issues like unemployment, child poverty and climate change."

In conversation with Public Servant, mayor Johnson confesses it is hard to overcome the machinery of government and display radical leadership. And he readily admits that some of his more innovative proposals "are just too expensive in the current economic climate".

He says: "It is very painful sometimes to try to get things done – I won't hide that. It is unbelievably difficult to put your plans into effect. I mean, taking the bendy buses off the roads was difficult. I would like to have snapped my fingers and they were gone, but you can't do that."

Johnson is not however – unlike his predecessor Ken Livingstone – laying the blame on the civil service for many of his woes. "One of the things I've discovered as mayor is that there are some really outstanding civil servants," he says. "There are people who don't have a party political axe to grind at all and combine high intelligence with an ethic of public service. It has been really refreshing and the Conservatives will find the same when in government. There are actually good, strong civil servants that can be relied upon to work very conscientiously, for whatever party is in power. But as a punter and a reader of the media, you form the impression that the civil service, over the last 12 years, has been politicised by Labour."

Leader of the assembly's Labour group John Biggs dismisses the mayor as "a media figure" who "likes to be admired". Johnson has allowed himself to be drawn into too many "petty squabbles – be they over plum jobs at the Arts Council or whether an image of the Thames should remain on the Tube map", according to New Local Government Network communications chief James Hulme.

Confused messages over the extension of the congestion charge zone and the need for a Thames estuary airport to eventually replace Heathrow – as well as sharp hikes in Tube and bus fares – have not made for a coherent stance on green issues. Hulme thinks that the mayor is behind the curve on his trenchant support of bankers without any solutions to loosen the capital's reliance on financial services. Although, he admits: "Boris's London Plan has enhanced City Hall's relationship with the London boroughs."
Controversial appointments to the mayor's top team, many of which have ended in resignations, have also brought allegations of a lack of due process. But policy director at the Local

Government Information Unit Andrew Collinge believes Johnson shows bravery in his proactive dealings with the Met Police and in protecting London's skyline from high-rise development. "Boris is not a man afraid to appear contradictory for the right result," suggests Collinge.

Johnson has already developed the London Plan, a draft transport strategy and an economic development strategy. He insists that these key documents will "make London the best big city on earth".

On the ground, there have been successes. The GLA share of council tax has been frozen, crime on buses is down 18 per cent and teenage stabbings are down 50 per cent. Under Johnson's "get rid of the nonsense" campaign, the GLA cut 180 bureaucratic jobs and £220m in consultancy fees, Transport for London was forced to deliver £5bn of savings while the London Development Agency has seen a 30 per cent headcount reduction. From an environmental perspective, thousands of trees have been planted on London streets and cycling is high on the agenda.

Looking ahead, the mayor wants to progress on installing air conditioning on the Tube, creating a green value-for-money Olympic Games and the reintroduction of the Routemaster bus. Whether he will be in office long enough to create a lasting legacy is in question. He has said he will serve a maximum of two terms. Asked if he would accept a Cabinet position in a Tory government, he says modestly: "I think that's highly unlikely."

He could be right to show reticence. Statistics show that despite his high-profile and charisma, only 39 per cent of Londoners know much about what the mayor is doing. As a result, only 35 per cent expressed satisfaction with Johnson and 12 per cent said they were dissatisfied. Ipsos Mori chief executive Ben Page says that the mayor's predecessor achieved similar ratings when he first won power, but Livingstone "did spend more on direct communications".

Now that the first 18 months of thrills and spills is over, the hard work of creating significant change starts for Johnson.